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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

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. The participation of Afghani mujahadeen, the citizens of Pakistan, Jordan, Turkey, and Iran in forming bands of militants and the hysteria of extremists in several Islamic countries show with all clarity that the inability to liquidate a criminal hotbed led to the use of this hotbed by forces that surround Russia for the return of the Caucasus to the sphere of influence of Islamic politics In the most complicated of global combinations which are not controlled on the state level.

In Chechnya, the two hundred year work of Russia as a power in the South is at stake, along with its presence on the Black Sea, the military and strategic balance in the Mediterranean, the fate of the Crimea, the Transcaucasus (most of all Armenia and Georgia), the future of the Eastern Christian world and of all those with a propensity to Russia in the Caucasus and beyond its ridge.
Here we come close to a different level of international relations on which appear the global, political, and cultural efforts of the major driving forces of history. All of the specific rivalries between states in one way or another have a philosophical underlying motive. Russia, located on the junction of three worlds, the Latin, Islamic, and pantheistic, is at the center of a geopolitical rivalry Global Islam is now on an unusual rise. Its centers have continuously developed and have accumulated spiritual and intellectual potential for responding to the problems of existence in the twenty first century, its demographic and financial potential has grown in colossal proportions and is represented now by the oil giants of the Middle East. The global purposes of these forces are formed along two lines. In many Islamic states there has been a liberalization of consciousness in a western format during the post-war rivalry for the third world.

The so-called «demo-Islam» is most evidently represented by Turkey, perceived through the «Young Turks» and Kemalists the western values in combination with a nationalistic, imperial Turanian ideology. In other countries, strongest by their historical spiritual tradition, conversely, a liberal rationalist social doctrine that was too aggressively and confidently shattering age-old values, has gone bankrupt and on a surge of social protest brought to surface the radical fundamentalist forces. Islam with a strong anti-western and anti-American accent is evident in Iran, Afghanistan and in part of the Tajik Wahabist opposition.

But the common objective condition for the action of all branches of global Islam is the same: the physical (dismemberment of the Russian core), economic and military weakening, and the denial of its own national and religious identity by a large part of the non-Western world, that is, historical Russia. This opens up the possibility to turn to a sphere of influence of Islam that is as powerful as it has never been, Russia’s large Moslem territories and masses of people and to affect the orientation of the Russian Federation.
Taking into account the formation of global Islam into a geopolitical arch and a huge driving force of civilization which draws the Moslem regions of historical Russia into its sphere of influence one can assume that it leads to a total change in the outlook of Eurasia and to global changes in the balance of power between civilizations. Turkey, of which earlier was thought to just be tawing the «Atlantic line» and which the West mistakingly thinks it could always control in regard to its own interests, is now demonstrating an economic and pan-Turkic interest in relation with the Sunni Central Asia and an already evident impatience in regard to the Crimea and Black Sea straits. The predicted, in case of losing positions in the Crimea and Sevastopol’, violation of the Convention on the Black Sea straits (Montreux, 1936) has already become a fact. It is entirely possible that soon we will be witnesses to the outright denial of the mandates of this convention, which, in its time, put an end to the Eastern issue.

Iran still has not shown concern in the further disintegration of Russia’s territory. There are audible hints that Russia would be needed as a counterbalance to America, Israel, and Turkey in Iran’s ideological and state rivalry in the Middle East. Also evident is that Islam, as a global event, needs it for own strategic interests of its two branches, liberal and nationalist Turkism and Panturanism, as well as Shilte fundamentalism with its neo- pan-Islamism. Despite the cold spell that exists between Istanbul and Teheran, the creation of a Moslem state in the middle of Europe and struggle between Bosnian Moslems and the Orthodox Serbs is supported by both «guards of Islamic revolution’’, in conjunction with the USA, their sworn enemy, and «pro-West» Turkey, whom they despise. And the Eurasian idea for Russia was taken up by the liberal» Istanbul and Wahabist Saudi Arabia.

What kind of global interests lay at the foundation of the battle between «liberalism» and Islam that has suddenly appeared and is reiterated in the West and in the East? Why all of a sudden has this rivalry intensified and what has suddenly become its new objective? It is obvious: an impetus for this rivalry was the destruction of historical Russia, and the object of the fight is nothing other than Russia itself and its legacy, from its historical territory to its sphere of influence and position in the Balkans.
The surge toward expansionism of some is measured for the most part by the provoking vacuum of spiritual, historical, and political will of others

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