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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

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. However, the problem with this is that Russia is already not being considered in the matter and the reasons for this lie within Russia itself.

As a matter of fact, notable tendencies in the politics of western countries and organizations, put under their control by us ourselves, is a natural policy of large international powers trying to fill a vacuum, to expand spheres of influence and eliminate large rivals. Deductions about the invariable nature of relations are painful only when superimposed on the previous delight brought about by the naively perceived united world’. It would be intelligent to take off the rose-colored glasses forever, but not demonize one’s inevitable partners in the truly united imperfect world.

What is necessary for the difficult vindication of one’s positions in the military and strategic realm beyond the declared preciseness for positions is the domestic potential, stability, and durability of the state itself, otherwise the most active and intelligent foreign policy is without value. And it is here, in all of its drama, the Chechen syndrome arises. The Chechen problem is a problem of national and state will. It is namely the lack of this, and not military hopelessness that binders Russia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity from being unconditionally affirmed. Time and again the loss of this factor gives up gained positions and takes all sense from the casualties sustained by soldiers who are shedding blood for the indivisibility of the Fatherland and at the same time are exposed to public dishonor by propaganda, unthinkable in any country with a healthy national spirit.

In any (especially in western law) state, the nationality of criminals would not by of any significance. One should treat a would-be criminal rebellion in the Ryazan’ oblast’ or in Yakutia with the same level of harshness that the USA would certainly do in wiping groups of bandits from the face of the earth with «the use of all the state’s strength, including military» (Bush on the events in Los Angeles). But in Chechnya, we face the vicious implications of the Bolshevik doctrine of national-territorial organization of a multinational state which allows anyone hostile to historical Russian state to declare any criminal hot bed a ’national liberation movement». It appears that the human rights advocates from the Council of Europe would be never confused by the frightful criminal record of Dudaev’s cutthroats and the fate of the population of 400,000 Russians that have been robbed and subjected to violence as well as by the fate of genuine Cossack lands.

It should be remembered that the Caucasian war with which we are for some reason being intimidated, ended with the victory of a legal Russian power. This war did not begin because of the establishment of Russian sovereignty in the region. This happened significantly earlier and mainly with voluntary agreement, but later the activity of the Russian administration came into conflict with, inter alia, the interests of some North Caucasian rulers connected with slave-trafficking in Persia and Turkey. After the war, there was a long, peaceful and constructive period (in historical comparison) in the region, which served as an inspiring example to emulate. Acknowledgment of the Chechen criminal hotbed would not only not stop the bloodshed, but, conversely, would betray Russians and other peoples in the Caucasus who, in time, have linked their fates with Russia and kept their faith in it, to the bandits thereby turning the Caucasus into a boiling cauldron of lawlessness and large scale terrorism like that, which has never been seen In the world before.

There are erroneous attempts to attribute to this rebellion a religious aspect that had never been the origin of the existed from the beginning and which supposedly threatens its «all-Caucasus» nature. The experience of Imam Shamil, a follower of the Naqshbendi brotherhood (a branch of Sufism), demonstrated the impossibility of uniting societies that have been torn apart by bloody internecine wars even under the banner of Islam. If the Mureeds (devoted followers), who refuted theft, fraud, and usury as sins, did not know how to do this, then Dudaev’s gangland, – 1990’s style criminals in a liberal, godless twentieth century, – of bank robbers, made-to-order murderers and rapists, currency and narcotic speculators, could hardly succeed at it either. And the idea of a stable «highlanders’ federation» which would successfully emerge at the epicentre of a geopolitical rivalry (»in the face of encroaching enemies,» as it was worded at the beginning of the 19th century), corresponds very little with the Caucasian reality of today or as it was one hundred or two hundred years ago. This naive project was proposed by Pavel I, who did not desire to add the North Caucasus with its ulcers, but only reflected the political and legal doctrinairism that was inherent to him, the underestimation of his neighbours’ appetites, and a misunderstanding of the geopolitical situation.

But the most diverse forces, including Islam of course, quickly took advantage of the Chechen conflict, going beyond geopolitics, there was the scent of oil to which American and British interests are always sensitive

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