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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

 
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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

. It is worth recalling the remorse of the Russian intelligentsia who placed their liberal «landmarks» at the beginning of the century, but, in 1918, bitterly mourned their senseless destruction of the Orthodox empire. Both February and October as well as their contemporary heirs are equally guilty in the crucifixion of historical Russia, of the dismemberment of the Russian nation and, in essence, do not differ very much from each other.

We will note that the partial inheritance of rule is not denied by anyone (Russia is paying the debts of The Tsars) but for some reason is absolutely not used in politics. Problems look completely different on its backdrop, such the problems of Ossetia, Abkhazia, the Rusins, and most of all the entire set of relations with the Baltic states which is regarded as an area of missed opportunities. One should use the successful experience of West Germany where the militant «revengists» of the late 50’s were replaced by the pragmatics of the early 70’s, but there was never one expression allowed into state documents that would even indirectly confirm the finality of the division of the nation. It is time to pose the question about the direct and complete inheritance of rule from the Russian Empire of 1917 in straightforward legal terms, for only this would allow for an irreproachable instrumentation for the reunion of the divided Russian people and the reunion of the nations with a propensity to Russia, as well as the solutions for territorial problems which would to no degree signify an automatic refusal to acknowledge many of today’s realities.

Today’s rivalry for the «Russian legacy’’ is evidence of a clear effort to take advantage of the temporary loss by Russian politics of historical reference points and to try to enact a global division of the world. At the same time, the idea of a «united world’’ while infringing upon the God-given diverse world, where the path to Truth is built by its own, and not a foreign spiritual experience, is destroying all civilizations in a disastrous state of confusion on an atheistic foundation of cultures, nations, and states. This, in turn, generates radical fundamentalism in response. A confrontation in the twenty-first century will be much more dangerous for the world than was the opposition in the notorious Cold War.

The historical Russian state, which existed in its last form as the USSR, was a very important factor in the global balance of power not only of states, but of civilizations as well. It Is too great of a magnitude and a major system-forming element of global balance. The matter of Its destruction Is dangerous for the world. The geopolitical division will inevitably plunge everyone into an unprecedented rivalry and Into conflicts not so much between governments, but more so between the Christian and non-Christian worlds. As a result, what Is possible are unpredictable correlations of force between already established traditional centers of power on the one hand, and on the other hand, Islam, which is acquiring the role of a very serious geopolitical factor and the strength of China which is modernizing, has nuclear weapons and a countless population. World must not forget that states are formed over centuries and borders are drawn with blood.

Conversely, the restoration of the historical identity of Russia and the continuation of its successive history in the forms corresponding to the modern epoch may give both Russia and the world the balance of states that is so necessary and the harmonious interactions of cultures and civilizations.

Natalia A. Narochnitskaya, Ph.D



NOTES:

l. Thus, while the USSR of perestroika reveled In the «new thought», the West managed to interpret the Paris Charter as a geopolitical capitulation, and this cost us much; besides, the thoughtless agreement to withdraw troops from Central Europe without a guarantee from NATO presented us with the threat of this alliance closing in on the borders of the Muscovite Czardorn of the XVI century.

2. It would be possible to greet the rebirth of the practice of the times of prince Gorchakov, who through F. Tyutchev and others frequently organized discussions on foreign policy problems in Russian magazines. The cooperation of various groups created the necessary social basis for new initiatives.

3. Instead of B. Dizraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield, Russia will have to deal with American aircraft carriers.

4. See «Istoria narodov Severnogo Kavkaza. Konets XVIII v. 1917 g. Moscow: Nauka, 1988, ch.l

5. The principle of the religious Peace of Augsburg of 1555.

6. As it is known, the Baltic states declared invalid all of the resolutions of their Supreme Soviets from 1940 pertaining to joining the USSR, as they were adopted by ’non-democratically’’ chosen organs during the occupation. Wonderful! If one acknowledges Russian history that existed before 1917, it immediately becomes clear that these resolutions were completely lawful since the non-legitimate separation of the Baltic region in 1920 during the German occupation of this part of the Russian empire, signed by the Bolsheviks, not recognized by anyone in the world at that time, including by the demi-fascist Baltic regimes that were placed there by Kaiser’s bayonets. Therefore the independent status during the interwar period is legally void and the event of 1940 becomes a legal restorative act.

In addition to this, the bearer of historical Russia’s rule is in his full right to pose yet a number of other questions concerning these territories and to where they belong which is drawn from the international legal conditions of their entry into Russia

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