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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

 
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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

. The student riots of the sixties were irrationally anti-etatist in nature; music, literature, and «absurd» theater, hippies, neo-Buddhism, and neo-Paganism and finally «new left» and ’new right’’ are forms of the very same yearnings for planetary Utopia and revolution…

All of this signifies that only Russia is concerned with the restoration of its historical identity, and Russia will have no sympathy in this endeavor for a single proponent of its pseudo-renaissance of today. Russia, strong and deep-rooted in its national values, would become an obstacle for any influence, be it from the West or from the East. Therefore, Russia itself must determine its constructive role in Europe and in the world. It is Russia that must offer the world the idea of unity as a harmony in diversity, and not the subjecting of all to single political standards that have grown on the basis of only one of world civilizations. The constructive cooperation of Russia and Europe, including participation in European structures, in the Council of Europe may actually give both Europe and Russia the powerful impulse needed before the twenty-first century.

Russia’s «partners» today both in the West and in the East are all attempting to draw Russia into their spheres of influence, most of all for the purpose of leading Russia away from this own fate and using Russia as an instrument against one another. They are all proposing that the Russians forget their millennium of spiritual tradition and become «Western Europeans» or «Eurasians». For it is namely by such Europeans or Eurasians for which the title of «universal man, citizen of the world» or, conversely, the opposition to «the decadent and nihilistic West’’ would be without fall more valuable that one’s own national ideals and historically continuous interests such as Sevastopol’ or the results of the Great Patriotic War paid for by Russian blood.

Russia’s future is, in the most basic sense, not the matter of successful economic reforms, and successful international agreements. This is a problem of the Russians’ ability to be the subject of global history. The weakness of the Russian form of government today is in the obvious destruction of the wholeness of national world perception, in the decline of the Russian power creating ethnos.

It is not by chance that the historical name «Russian’’ is consistently being replaced with the administrative «citizen of Russia (Rossiianin)» under the pretense that Russia is a polyethnic state of many religions. Here, again, the double standard of liberal consciousness is showing its face. For according to the standards of the modern legal western state, Russia is a country that is mononational and Orthodox by culture where everyone should be called Russians. (France is considered a state of Frenchmen, although two millions Algerians live there, and is also considered a Catholic country which does not signify disrespect to other groups.) There is no Western European state that compares with Russia on a level of monoethnicity since Russia is composed of 85 percent Russians.

But the Russians have never and do not now strive for an ethnically «clean» state with one religion, which was affirmed by the Europeans «by fire and sword» through incessant wars between Protestants and Catholics on the principle of «cujus regio – ejus religio» which in reality means either extermination, banishment, assimilation or coerced christening through some kind of ceremony.

It was the Russian Orthodox idea in history that is prompting an actual acknowledgment of the originality of every single nation included in the power. But not to deprive 100 million Russians and at the same time all others of their national tradition and present everyone with the same sterile «universal man» beginning. But so that the Russian people, the founder and core of the Russian form of government, to remain its backbone. While this point is not argued, all peoples have been preserved and pray to their own gods, but while belonging to a whole as a source of values. Let us recall that the peoples of Russia did not join the abstract «universal human» state, but came into Russia as a Russian Orthodox kingdom, confident that they would find their place within that kingdom. Having refuted the Union of Brest, Moscow reunited with the cradle of Russian Orthodoxy, the Ukraine, «willing to be ruled by the Orthodox Czar of Moscow…» and the Ukrainians remained Ukrainians, but in the backyards of the liberal Europe, western Russian lands were dissipated, losing all traces of their historical past.

This topic is, without a doubt, a delicate one, but false paradigm have made it a painful one. It demands a language that is not taught by historical materialism, operating only by the concepts of class internationalism and nationalism in the sense of chauvinism. (In the West this terminology does not have a bad meaning with the exception of ’Russian nationalism’’!). Experience shows that one should not be scared of these problems. Cosmopolitan Marxist and liberal doctrine demand from their peoples that they should refute their systems of values for the sake of planetary ideas. The national idea is love for one’s own, but not hate for what is different. Only a nation that values and loves its legacy is able to relate with understanding and respect to similar feelings in others.

The restoration of Russian history raises the question of complete inheritance of rule. This deals not only with spiritual legacy. Even orthodox Marxists and liberal westernists are already beginning to swear their devotion to this, and are constantly quarreling over what brought Russia the most fortune, October or February of 1917..

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В архиве 22 декабря 2003

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