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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

 
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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

. Acknowledgment of the Chechen criminal hotbed would not only not stop the bloodshed, but, conversely, would betray Russians and other peoples in the Caucasus who, in time, have linked their fates with Russia and kept their faith in it, to the bandits thereby turning the Caucasus into a boiling cauldron of lawlessness and large scale terrorism like that, which has never been seen in the world before.

There are erroneous attempts to attribute to this rebellion a religious aspect that had never existed from the beginning and which supposedly threatens its «all-Caucasus» nature. The experience of Imam Shamil, a follower of the Naqshbendi brotherhood (a branch of Sufism), demonstrated the impossibility of uniting societies that have been torn apart by bloody internecine wars even under the banner of Islam. If the Mureeds (devoted followers) who refuted theft, fraud, and usury as sins, did not know how to do this, then today’s gangland, – 1990’s style criminals in a liberal, godless twentieth century, – of bank robbers, made-to-order killers and rapists, currency and drug smugglers, could hardly succeed at it either. And the idea of a stable «highlanders’ federation» which would successfully emerge at the epicenter of a geopolitical rivalry (»in the face of encroaching enemies,» as it was worded at the beginning of the 19th century), corresponds very little with the Caucasian reality of today or as it was one hundred or two hundred years ago. This naive project was proposed by Pavel I, who did not desire to add the North Caucasus with its ulcers, but only reflected the political and legal doctrinarism that was inherent to him, the underestimation of his neighbors’ appetites, and a misunderstanding of the geopolitical situation.

But the most diverse forces, including Islam of course, quickly took advantage of the Chechen conflict, going beyond geopolitics, there was the scent of oil to which American and British interests are always sensitive. The participation of Afghani mujahadeen, the citizens of Pakistan, Jordan, Turkey, and Iran in forming bands of militants and the hysteria of extremists in several Islamic countries show with all clarity that the inability to liquidate a criminal hotbed led to the use of this hotbed by forces that surround Russia for the return of the Caucasus to the sphere of influence of Islamic politics in the most complicated of global combinations which are not controlled on the state level.

In Chechnya, the two hundred year work of Russia as a power in the South is at stake, along with its presence on the Black Sea, the military and strategic balance in the Mediterranean, the fate of the Crimea, the Transcaucasus (most of all Armenia and Georgia), the future of the Eastern Christian world and of all those with a propensity to Russia in the Caucasus and beyond its ridge.

Here we come close to a different level of international relations on which appear the global, political, and cultural efforts of the major driving forces of history. All of the specific rivalries between states in one way or another have a philosophical underlying motive. Russia, located on the junction of three worlds, the Latin, Islamic, and pantheistic, is at the center of a geopolitical rivalry Global Islam Is now on an unusual rise. Its centers have continuously developed and have accumulated spiritual and intellectual potential for responding to the problems of existence in the twenty first century, its demographic and financial potential has grown in colossal proportions and is represented now by the oil giants of the Middle East. The global purposes of these forces are formed along two lines. In many Islamic states there has been a liberalization of consciousness in a Western format during the post-war rivalry for the third world.

The so-called «demo-Islam» is most evidently represented by Turkey, perceived through the «Young Turks» and Kemalists the western values in combination with a nationalistic, imperial Turanian ideology. In other countries, strongest by their historical spiritual tradition, conversely, a liberal rationalist social doctrine that was too aggressively and confidently shattering age-old values, has gone bankrupt and on a surge of social protest brought to surface the radical fundamentalist forces. Islam with a strong anti-western and anti-American accent is evident in Iran, Afghanistan and in part of the Tajik Wahabist opposition.

But the common objective condition for the action of all branches of global Islam is the same: the physical (dismemberment of the Russian core), economic and military weakening, and the denial of its own national and religious identity by a large part of the non-Western world, that is, historical Russia. This opens up the possibility to turn to a sphere of influence of Islam that is as powerful as it has never been, Russia’s large Moslem territories and masses of people and to affect the orientation of the Russian Federation.

Taking into account the formation of global Islam into a geopolitical arch and a huge driving force of civilization which draws the Moslem regions of historical Russia into its sphere of influence one can assume that it leads to a total change in the outlook of Eurasia and to global changes in the balance of power between civilizations. Turkey, of which earlier was thought to just be tawing the «Atlantic line» and which the West mistakenly thinks it could always control in regard to its own interests, is now demonstrating an economic and pan-Turkist interest in relation with the Sunni Central Asia and an already evident impatience in regard to the Crimea and Black Sea straits. The predicted, in case of losing positions in the Crimea and Sevastopol’, violation of the Convention on the Black Sea Straits (Montreux, 1936) has already become a fact

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