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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

 
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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

. Russia’s acceptance into the program, it would seem, should be expected to be (experts during the hearings in the State Duma spoke unanimously about this) no more than a maneuver for diversion.

Nonetheless, Russia has opportunities to hinder such a development of events if it relies on the well-composed system of legal and political bases that confirm its role and responsibility in the East European region and on its own historical territories. The international structures that were formed in the decade following the war, as well as negotiation mechanisms and treaties even in the altered situation still may and must be used for the vindication of Russian interests, first and foremost being the impediment of NATO’s expansion. An important argument that Russia has begun to use, two years late it would appear, is the overturn of all military and strategic symmetries in regard to the CFE Treaty.

A conceptual judicial instrument may be the idea that all the territories of the USSR in the borders from 1975 that are confirmed in the Final Act of Helsinki are, through treaties, zones of Russian responsibility and security, its military and strategic space that was inherited by Russia from the USSR due to the passing down of rights recognized by the whole world in treaties pertaining to nuclear and conventional weapons (especially the ABM Treaty), which continue to be in effect in this geographical region. Not one state can allow the presence of armed forces from a third party on its military and strategic space or the entry of portions of this space into blocs or alliances that are hostile to that state. That is one of the reasons why the USA try to review the whole of the ABM treaty.

Theoretically, reserves for eliminating distortions in the activity of western mechanisms and structures are available: the double standard that was accepted by the USA and European organizations is so obvious that forming a basis for a solid position is not so complicated as well as a selection of a level of the necessary solidity as well as of areas of dispute supported by real opportunities and home-front services. Perhaps this level of the celebrated «closeness» and trust in relations with Russia which the US does not feel comfortable to write off, is a convenient backdrop for correcting the course of events. However, the problem with this is that Russia is already not being considered in the matter and the reasons for this lie within Russia itself.

As a matter of fact, notable tendencies in the politics of western countries and organizations, put under their control by us ourselves, is a natural policy of large International powers trying to fill a vacuum, to expand spheres of influence and eliminate large rivals. Deductions about the invariable nature of relations are painful only when superimposed on the previous delight brought about by the naively perceived united world’. It would be intelligent to take off the rose-colored glasses forever, but not demonize one’s inevitable partners in the truly united imperfect world.

What is necessary for the difficult vindication of one’s positions in the military and strategic realm beyond the declared preciseness for positions is the domestic potential, stability, and durability of the state itself, otherwise the most active and intelligent foreign policy is without value. And it is here, in all of its drama, the Chechen syndrome arises. The Chechen problem is a problem of national and state will. It is namely the lack of this, and not military hopelessness that binders Russia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity from being unconditionally affirmed. Time and again the loss of this factor gives up gained positions and takes all sense from the casualties sustained by soldiers who are shedding blood for the indivisibility of the Fatherland and at the same time are exposed to public dishonor by propaganda, unthinkable in any country with a healthy national spirit.

In any (especially in western law) state, the nationality of criminals would not be of any significance. One should treat the criminal rebellion that took place in the Ryazan’ oblast’ or in Yakutia with the same level of harshness how the USA would behave in wiping groups of bandits from the face of the earth with «the use of all the state’s strength, including military» (Bush on the events in Los Angeles). But in Chechnya, it is the appearance of the viciousness of the Bolshevik national and territorial devise of a multinational state which allows powers that are hostile to historical Russia to declare any criminal hotbed a ’national liberation movement». It appears that the defenders of rights from the European Council would be never confused by the frightful criminal record of Dudaev’s cutthroats and the fate of the population of 400,000 Russians that have been robbed and subjected to violence as well as by the fate of genuine Cossack lands.

It should be remembered that the Caucasian war with which we are for some reason being intimidated, ended with the victory of a legal Russian power. This war did not begin because of the establishment of Russian sovereignty in the region. This happened significantly earlier and mainly with voluntary agreement, but later the activity of the Russian administration came into conflict with, among other things, the interests of some North Caucasian rulers connected with slave-trading in Persia and Turkey. After the war, there was a long, peaceful and constructive period (in historical comparison) in the region which served as an inspiring example to emulate

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