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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

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. Russian society must now show the broadest support for the foreign policy department in its notable attempts to not allow this mechanism to strengthen or legalize the infringement of the rights of the Serb nation, which was achieved with the assistance of brute military strength, for unity, for its own historical territory and for the observance of human rights.

The most important area for the concentration of all state efforts is becoming the serious diplomatic campaign, which has already begun, against the expansion of NATO. The idea of ’exported or projected stability’ which supposedly has become the main component of NATO’s «altered’’ strategy was demonstrated in its barest form in Yugoslavia. But we see that neither the dismemberment of the USSR, the disintegration of the Soviet ideological and military alliance, nor the withdrawal of Russian troops from Central Europe and the Baltic region has led to the diminishment of the Atlantic alliance. On the contrary, this bloc, having preserved its ideological, military and organizational structure, has, after a tactical pause, conducted a policy for its future expansion on account of the former allies of the USSR and even parts of historical Russia.

In NATO doctrine the «Harmel plan» and the idea of being the first to use nuclear weapons have been preserved, it hasn’t changed in principle. The orientation which followed to conduct affairs only with individual nations and not with a bloc of Russian partners continues (first the Warsaw Pact, then the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, and now the CIS), so as not to bolster the supranational level of the given union and, consequently, Moscow’s influence and role among Its partners. On the other hand, the USA has preserved and augmented Its tactics of camouflaging Its global Interests with multilateral initiatives.

All these events evidence the advance to an obvious goal, which is turning East Europe, and later portions of the historical Russia state, into a sphere of influence for the USA and NATO. (East European states are rushing to NATO because of, among other things, fear of Germany, especially on the backdrop of the undermining of stability of the territorial outcome from the Second World War. The memories of Sudety, Silesia, the Danzig corridor are still alive and this is only aggravated by the fact that in Germany they are increasingly more actively beginning to hint at the necessity of reviewing these «historical problems».)

The expansion of NATO will ultimately change the already undermined military and strategic symmetries and configurations that emerged from the Treaty on the limitation of conventional forces (the CFE treaty), for the correlation in arms alone is becoming 2:1 in favor of NATO with the entry of some East European states.

It is becoming clear that a washing away obstacles for the entry into NATO by a part of historical Russia has been assisted by subsequent, although not externally related, programmed directives of western policy, the most important of which being:

1. The recognition of the Baltic states as not being separated parts of the Soviet Union, rather as restored pre-war states. (A violation of the Helsinki Final Act, which confirmed the legality of the territorial integrity of all post-war European states.) But according to this concept, it must be that Russia was an occupational force, the demographic situation was the result of the occupational regime, Russian troops were occupational in nature and were subject to an unconditional withdrawal. Legally, this territory from the very beginning withdrew from a unified military and strategic region of the USSR, which was inherited by Russia according to the treaties pertaining to disarmament.

2. The attempt to indirectly enable, in particular, through new initiatives in the area of nuclear disarmament (the START- I Treaty), the destruction or devaluation of the existing system of nuclear restraint and treaties on anti-missile defense (first and foremost the ABM Treaty and its applicable protocol of 1974), that link all the territories of the USSR on which Russia may fulfill its requirements. Today, Russia’s geopolitical interests, in essence, are hardly being taken into account in the sense of how it is preserving its role as a power while it is still powerful; second-place after the USA in the significance of its nuclear missile potential. If the START-2 Treaty is ratified and Poland enters NATO, then from its territory, nuclear missiles can be delivered all the way to St.Petersburg using howitzers and all the way to Moscow using cruise missiles.

3. The gradual attraction of East European countries and, what is especially important, parts of the USSR Into the sphere of NATO’s control and activity under the program ’Partnership for peace» is a step to converting parts of Russia’s military and strategic areas into the object of multilateral regulation. Those who enter the program formulate their goals In «presentational documents» indicating which ones might conflict with the interests of others and mainly of Russia, which, after the participants have signed the agreement, is deprived of the right to adequately oppose them. Ukraine (to which there has been redirected substantial US foreign policy and financial means), Georgia, Moldavia, all of which have serious problems with Russia (the Crimea, Sevastopol’, the Dniester region, Ossetia, and Abkhazia) have become members of this program

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В архиве 22 декабря 2003

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