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Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

Н. Нарочницкая член Комиссии, при Президенте Российской Федерации по противодействию попыткам фальсификации истории в ущерб интересам России.

Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая – известный ученый, общественно-политический деятель, православный идеолог, доктор исторических наук

Европейский институт демократии и сотрудничества (Париж) возглавляет Наталия Алексеевна Нарочницкая

Фонд исторической перспективы (ФИП) был создан в 2004 году Наталией Алексеевной Нарочницкой и группой ее соратников.

Информационно-аналитический портал, посвященный деятельности российского ученого, общественного деятеля Наталии Алексеевны Нарочницкой

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. In his article Engels insisted that Russia’s international victory scored in the nineteenth century had been engineered by a powerful band of talented foreign adventurers who «founded a sort of new Jesuit order,» who skillfully duped the European rulers, an object of Engels’ obvious sympathies. «This band turned Russia into a great, powerful, and scaring state on a road to world domination.»

In this article Engels was obviously hostile to Russia’s historical existence and followed in the footsteps of the worst insinuations of British and Polish emigre publicist writings. This was why Stalin selected it as his first strategic aim. He started by cautiously correcting the anti-Russian aspects of orthodox Bolshevism with an elaborate criticism of this work in a letter to the Politburo of 19 July, 1934 «On Engels’ Article ’Foreign Policy of Russian Czarism.» It appeared in print in May 1941 (Bolshevik, No. 9), on the eve of Hitler’s attack.

The Serbs had been already defending the Slavs while Russia had to be inspired with the national spirit and patriotism undermined by internationalism. Stalin’s work is an amazing example of Machiavellianism. He skillfully juggled with Marxist postulates and cynically praised the «founders’» genius. At the same time the Soviet leader left no stone unturned in Engels’ accusations of Russia as last outpost of reaction in Europe»; he also caught Engels at passing in the Anglo-German antagonism, an objective cause of the world W Engels passionately insisted that Russia was striving to capture Constantinople and that «the menace of a world war will disappear on the day when the course of events in Russia will allow the Russian nation to abandon the additional aggressive policy of its czars.» This total nihilism confirmed Tiutchev’s profound remark about the main European contradiction – that between the revolution and Russia. At that time this ideological aspect of the Worldwide Eastern Question was screened by the contradictions between the great powers.

The 1878 Berlin congress united all the West European forces for the first time with the single aim to belittle Russia’s victory. The titans of European diplomacy – Andrassy, Salisbury, Bismarck, and Disraeli – closed their ranks against Russia that had shed blood for the Balkan nations’ independence and taken nothing of their territory. The following stage of international relations was leading to a new split in «the European concert». Therefore, from the point of view of the stages of the Worldwide Eastern Question, this was not a new stage. The contradictions among the West European powers were still as deep as their contradictions with Russia so she was invited into coalitions.

The Russia-Germany relations were worsening which the Anglo-Saxons had always liked and which was always unfortunate for Europe. The 1879 Austria-Germany alliance was a fateful step; more coalitions were formed. Later they came to grips in World War I. Germany itself paid dearly for Bismarck’s trick. His main objective, France’s isolation, was not reached. In 1893 Russia and France signed an agreement; Britain and Germany entered into another round of international political meandering and their uncompromising rivalry. The general trend of events finally shaped specific Austria-German interests and created the Entente.

The European Concert was divided into two blocs, which immediately echoed on the Balkans. The Eastern Question came to the forefront once more. A chain of Balkan crises introduced World War I: the Bosnian crisis of 1908-1909 and the Balkan wars. Today we can draw analogies and learn our lessons.

There are many people whose knowledge about Bulgaria is limited by the gratitude the Bulgarians expressed to Russia, which delivered it from the Ottoman yoke, and by the fact that Russian lost many lives in the war for Bulgarian liberation. They are amazed at statements of Bulgarian leaders that their country is ready to join NATO.

Contrary to this view (generally shared in Soviet times) Russia should lot expect much of Bulgaria. Everything was wasted: the tears of I. Aksakov he shed when he learned how the San Stefano Peace Treaty had been «edited» at the Berlin Congress and Bulgaria was divided. Wasted were the diplomatic efforts of Count Ignatiev, the Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, a confirmed Slavophile and Bulgariaphile. When the country was reunited it had been already under an Austrian influence. Under Ferdinand of Coburg it was finally drawn into Austrian and German politics and entered World War I on their side. All the memory of the nation can do is to somehow limit the Bulgarian liberals’ pro-Western orientations.

The history of the relationships between the West and Serbia provides a different lesson – it seems that the Serbian liberals came to realize this. At least, Vuk Draskovic, who attended President Clinton’s inauguration ceremony, is now siding with President Milosevic on foreign policy issues. The Serbian-Bulgarian war was a sad episode in the history of Slavs. It sent its waves to World War II and beyond. All hope to settle Serbia’s centuries-old problems with Austrian help failed.

A century and a half ago, just as today, the West was not prepared to accept the idea of the Serbs united in a single state, something that they regarded as a natural national-historical task. Austria was nurturing the Drang nach Suden idea – to get an access to the warm Mediterranean, important and ancient dream of Germany and Austria. When, upon dynastic changes, Serbia turned to Russia Austria hastened to realize its long-nurtured project, that of «incorporating» the Serbian areas into the Habsburg Empire and turn it either into a tripartite empire or a federal state

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